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Cake day: June 14th, 2023

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  • MarxMadness@lemmygrad.mltoMemes@lemmy.mlPonder This
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    3 days ago

    Could have been someone else (not Trump) allowing an attempt on Trump’s life, figuring:

    1. If they stop it early, they’re heroes and Trump gets a boost. Could have planned to not let him get shots off and fucked up that part.
    2. If Trump actually dies, it’s a tossup election at worst and Trump is more self-interested than ideologically conservative anyway.

    Possible, definitely not a sure thing.


  • MarxMadness@lemmygrad.mltoMemes@lemmy.mlPonder This
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    3 days ago

    Close. The internet was never leftist – as in opposing capitalism. It was at its best the ACLU wing of liberal, and at its worst the age of consent wing of libertarian.

    When social media exploded, the internet condensed to just a few aggregator platforms. You now had all this traffic and attention that could be more easily monetized than a million small websites and forums, and that’s what happened. Your few companies that own these aggregator platforms now have an enormous financial interest in (1) keeping content palatable to advertisers and (2) keeping regulation and taxes at bay. They accomplish the second in part by cooperating with the U.S. intelligence community, to the point of becoming one of the many industries with a revolving door between their corporate governance and the parts of the actual government that deal with the industry.

    Of course any significant leftist communities on these platforms get snuffed out: big business and the American government hate the left. Your ACLU-type liberals get pushed right or out as the impetus to make money drives every decision, with their free speech language selectively co-opted to protect the right. Then your most right-wing party starts to become openly fascist around the time a fascist buys one of the major platforms and removes even the nominal guardrails against the most egregious fascists.

    Now we’re here: with a few small non-fascist corners of the internet populated by a mix of leftists and liberals.





  • Every path to something better will be at least that complicated, likely more. Working around legal challenges is part of “playing the game well enough,” and even a loss can radicalized people. How many people were radicalized by the coordinated dropout/endorsement to juice Biden’s campaign in the 2020 primary? And that wasn’t even some dubuous procedural issue, it was just libs being organized and hostile to the left.


  • MarxMadness@lemmygrad.mltoQuotes@lemmygrad.mlGeorge Jackson on electoralism
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    10 days ago

    My reading of this is that he was in favor of participating in elections, but to disrupt, not to win.

    I think this is overstated. If we participate without a credible chance to win – just to disrupt – we’re not going to attract many people. That creates a risk of getting disconnected from the masses, as well as a risk of not adequately testing our ideas against reality. We’ve had plenty of miniscule, insular leftist campaigns that have achieved little – what we need is something with at least the potential to become a mass movement.

    Leftist campaigns have to both run on platforms that would be genuinely disruptive and play the game well enough to have some real shot at winning.



  • Who cares if the arguments resemble one another? The underlying situations are what determine if the argument makes any sense.

    “I was afraid for my life” is a fine argument for firing back if someone pulls a gun and starts shooting at you. It’s ridiculous when it comes from a cop who opens fire on a kid with something in his hands.

    if ukranians want to stay independent russia should respect that

    The parts of Ukraine Russia controls right now were trying to break away from Ukraine before the war. And again, Russia is not trying to conquer Ukraine – the goal is to keep Ukraine out of NATO.


  • nobody can strip their right to resistance and the over 60k dead Palestinians responsibility lay exclusively on Israel

    Palestinians and Ukranians both have a right to resist attackers. I’m saying it’s sensible for Palestinians to do so (because their attacker has stated their intent to exterminate them, so it’s either fight or die), but not sensible for Ukrainians to do so (because their attacker just wants them not to join NATO, and because there is no realistic hope of the war turning around).

    As for who’s responsible for the deaths: Ukraine’s government almost immediately sold out their people when they (on the advice of Boris Johnson) backed out of ceasefire agreement they had tentatively agreed to in the opening weeks of the war. By choosing to use their people to fight a proxy war for NATO when there was an easy out on the table, they are partly responsible for the deaths of their people.

    Israel say that there is no Palestinians and all the land is our , Russia say that Ukrainians are just Russians that Ukraine was simply part of Russia .

    It cannot be overstated how completely different these situations are. Israel is trying to exterminate Palestinians. Russia does not want Ukraine to be part of a hostile, nuclear-armed military pact. Palestinians are fighting because otherwise Israel will kill them. Ukrainians are fighting because their coup government is having its strings pulled by NATO.

    I think Russia could have with economic pressure alone stop Ukraine from joining NATO

    They tried since 2014, and Ukraine still wouldn’t give it up (or keep their domestic fascist groups from attacking Russian speakers in Eastern Ukraine). It turns out Ukraine and NATO weren’t even negotiating in good faith, as Angela Merkel admitted about the Minsk II agreement.


  • There is the type who say palestinians should resist… They say if hamas never attacked

    If anyone says this, they don’t mean it, because it’s completely contradictory. They’re lying to you.

    I would like ukranians to stop dying but not by giving up part of their land

    There’s no future resolution to this war that leaves Ukraine with more land than they have today. Continuing the war just means it will end with less Ukranian land and less Ukranians.

    It’s unlike Palestine because Russia is not fighting a war of extermination and is not trying to drive residents from their homes. The people in the parts of pre-war Ukraine that Russia now controls aren’t being massacred or evicted; they are predominantly Russian speakers who had (to be charitable to Ukraine) legitimate grievances with the Ukranian government after the U.S.-backed coup in 2014.

    From the Ukrainian perspective, there is actually a benefit to a peace on Russia’s terms: Ukraine keeps more of its land and its people stop dying. There’s nothing to be gained by continuing the war because it isn’t going to turn around. This is again unlike Palestine, where peace on Israeli terms would involve at minimum the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians, and where western public support for Israel has collapsed.








  • This is a good counterpoint – there’s a real career risk here, which is part of what makes it such a meaningful statement – but Kaepernick was in a very different employment situation. For him, taking substandard offers (whatever non-NFL pro league was active at the time) wasn’t worth it because of injury risk. So he had only 32 possible employers (realistically, fewer had QB needs) and they actively collude all the time. Extremely easy to get blackballed in that environment.

    Bob Vylan will lose money off this, but they can find smaller venues to play and doing so can’t jeopardize their career the same way a knee injury in the USFL could for Kaepernick. It’s not a career ender.


  • A major problem in the U.S. left is the habit of endlessly rehashing inter-leftist arguments that are not only from wildly different political contexts, but are also well over 100 years old.

    1. It’s hard to imagine a topic with less immediate relevance to working people today.
    2. Late-tsarist Russia (or interwar Germany) was so different than the U.S. in 2025 that you can draw exactly zero clean lessons from it. Every interesting takeaway must be couched in so many caveats that it loses most of its value.
    3. 99% of people who engage in these discussions have at best an undergraduate level knowledge of what Russia was like before the USSR and during the transition to the latter. Nearly everyone is working from a patchy understanding of the facts.
    4. Nonsense in the form of “I didn’t like the historical XYZ group, and today’s ABC group is basically the XYZs all over again, so I can tell you with certainty what bad things today’s ABC group will do in the future” is inescapable.
    5. This is point 1 again, but can you imagine how out of touch you look getting into this stuff with some baby leftist who’s being radicalized by, say, the health insurance industry?

    Reading history is good. Reading theory is good. But this stuff isn’t scripture and can’t tell you how Zohran or someone will play out. We have to go figure that out ourselves. There’s a reason every successful leftist movement prominently involved its leaders writing new theory and guidance for their own specific circumstances.


  • Western marxists feel personally attacked for this position and end up rejecting it and discrediting it.

    This is certainly part of it, but there are at least three other reasons western marxists hold some reservations:

    1. Inside the imperial core, it’s often framed as essentially a defeatist position. If a leftist from the U.S. accepts the idea that pretty much everyone around them is inherently reactionary, what are they supposed to do? You can’t decide at the start that there’s no way to win.
    2. While the material conditions of a poor person in the imperial core are better than poor people in the imperial periphery, the imperial machine rarely ties its exploitation directly to that benefit. A key part of modern imperialism (especially in the U.S.) is denying that you’re an empire at all. When that’s combined with obscene inequality in the core, you have the basics for building class consciousness even if on paper your imperial working class is better off than working people in the rest of the world.
    3. It occasionally veers into determinist/essentialist arguments, which have all sorts of problems.