Dmitry Novikov at a State Duma meeting: Lenin's "Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism," along with his other works, must be reinstated in the educational programs.
Dmitry Novikov at a State Duma meeting: Lenin's "Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism," along with his other works, must be reinstated in the educational programs.
At the State Duma's government hour with Sergei Lavrov, Dmitry Novikov, Deputy Chairman of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation and First Deputy Chairman of the State Duma Committee on International Affairs, presented the Communist faction's point of view.
We present to our readers the full text of his speech.
- Dear colleagues!
Comrades!
The parliamentary corps pays close attention to the activities of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This is directly related to the desire to support policies that:
- will protect the world from worst-case scenarios, including a major war;
- will defend Russia's right to sovereign development and to choose its friends and allies;
- will overcome the legacy of Yeltsin-Kozyrev diplomacy, which involved the betrayal of national interests.
The State Duma and the parties represented here also have their own means of supporting this approach. This includes parliamentary and public diplomacy. This includes international public initiatives and solidarity campaigns. This includes bilateral and multilateral inter-party cooperation.
The Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF) faction is proud of its international activities. Bilateral agreements are being implemented with the Communist Parties of China, Cuba, Vietnam, and other countries. The party participates in international formats, from the São Paulo Forum to annual meetings of communist and workers' parties. Together with like-minded partners, the CPRF held Anti-Fascist Forums in Minsk and Moscow and organized the International Media Forum. Preparations are underway for the 3rd Anti-Fascist Forum. We invite everyone who shares the values of the anti-fascist struggle and considers Banderaism and all forms of Nazism to be an absolute evil to participate.
In January, at a State Duma meeting, Gennady Zyuganov proposed establishing a Public Committee for the Freeing of Nicolás Maduro. The committee has been established and has begun its work. It has conducted a number of actions and is participating in uniting forces at the international level. We are pleased to have received a broad and positive public response.
Yes, it's just the way it is, pessimists also make their presence felt. This time, too, we heard doubts. What kind of release for Maduro, they said? The US is powerful. They'll do whatever they want.
In part, yes, the banditry in Washington's actions is obvious. They kidnapped the president of a sovereign country, and there's no one to punish him. But the world knows important examples of resistance. And we haven't forgotten them.
Was Georgi Dimitrov alone in exposing the Nazi lie about the communists' burning of the Reichstag at the Leipzig Trials? Didn't he feel international solidarity? Didn't even such a scumbag as Adolf Hitler and his accomplices tremble before it? Didn't Dimitrov gain his freedom?
And Nelson Mandela?! After years of imprisonment, he was not only released but also became president of South Africa. How could he forget the widespread solidarity campaign that brought him his long-awaited freedom? Perhaps this is what he was thinking as he walked the cobblestones of Red Square to Lenin's mausoleum, despite the hints of Yeltsin's protocol.
Yesterday marked the 19th anniversary of President Vladimir Putin's Munich speech. What was so special about what he said then?
He spoke about the failure of the unipolar world, its harmfulness and moral depravity. He spoke about the unrestrained use of force, about military conflicts and the people who die in them. He spoke about the increasingly insecure world, which is fueling the arms race. He spoke about those who teach democracy to others but refuse to learn it themselves. He spoke about how Russia views NATO's eastward expansion as a threat. He spoke about the fact that countries have national interests.
Speaking about the indivisible nature of security, the Russian president allied himself with Franklin Roosevelt and recalled his words: "Wherever peace is broken, peace is everywhere in danger and under threat." He concluded his speech with words about the desire to build a just and democratic world, ensuring security and prosperity not for a select few, but for all.
So what did the Russian president do wrong? He was saying things that were normal, natural, and obvious, including from the standpoint of the UN Charter and the principles of international law. What exactly did he say? Why all this howling, heartburn, and irritation in the West?
The mere assertion that our country has national interests, this seemingly obvious fact, was enough to stir up vast layers of hatred toward the Soviet Union and Russia. Western hawks began dreaming of inflicting on Vladimir Putin the same fate they had in store for Slobodan Milošević, Muammar Gaddafi, Saddam Hussein, and Nicolás Maduro.
What is this? These are all facets of what V.I. Lenin succinctly called imperialism. Is anyone still prepared to deny this? Deny imperialism, Lenin, and his theory. Deny it as much as you like. But welcome, gentlemen, to this wonderful imperialist world. Many generations of Russian citizens will have to deal with it.
If we want victory in the fight against external aggression, we must begin with an understanding of the phenomena. Everything begins in childhood, in many ways at school. Speaking of our education, it's time to understand: we will be robbing our younger generation if we don't impart this Leninist knowledge. They, the youth, will be wandering in the dark. They will be easily disoriented. If we want to fight successfully and win, we must begin with a comprehensive overhaul of the educational programs. Lenin's "Imperialism: The Highest Stage of Capitalism," along with his other works, must be reinstated.
Politically, our children can take any position they want. That's their right. However, without knowing Marx and Lenin, they won't understand anything about the history of the 20th century. Yet many of its tendencies continue into the 21st century. We need to understand this. We need to know and understand it. The stronger our adversary, the more important it is to "outsmart" them. You can't defeat them with missiles alone.
Let's recall this episode. When the Russian Foreign Minister appeared in Anchorage with a sign that read "USSR," the effect was more powerful than any grand political pronouncements. It turned out to have an almost magical effect—on both friends and foes.
Why is that? Because the USSR is more than just four letters. It's a symbol of pride, dignity, confident strength, and the ability to defend sovereignty—one's own and that of one's friends. It's a symbol of a nation-state whose scale and position can change history.
It was impossible to ignore such a state. Noisy statements bordering on provocation were needed to make it heard. A quiet hint that Moscow had noticed, Moscow was not indifferent, Moscow was ready to respond was enough. And many came to their senses. Hotheads cooled down. Gun barrels were sheathed. Missiles were removed from Turkey and Italy. Normalcy was restored. Or at least, equilibrium.
Of course, the question isn't about reminding us of this. The question is how to approach it—here and now. After all, there are many who suggest we forget about this, claiming it's all "phantom pain." And that's a mistake: a grave and dangerous one. It's from this perspective that we must look at many things, including the question of solidarity with Cuba. Some say, "We're not as great as the Soviet Union. We can't help Cuba." I want everyone to hear the words of Gennady Zyuganov, spoken from this podium, about Cuba's colossal significance, its special moral and political authority throughout Latin America and beyond. If we don't find ways to truly help Cuba today, we ourselves will be in a very difficult situation. Forces will immediately begin plotting the fate of Yugoslavia for us.
The Ministry of Foreign Affairs' best support for pursuing a confident foreign policy is building a strong economy, overcoming social divisions, and ensuring the state cares for its people. A diplomat in a distant land, a soldier on the front lines, and a mother of their children should know that when their strength weakens, the country will care for them, their children, and their grandchildren. That the maternity hospital in Kolchugino, Vladimir Region, will not be closed. That maternity hospitals will continue to open, and not only in Moscow.
When Russia is strong, advanced, pursuing a program of creation and great victories, everyone in the world will take it into account. The enemy will be no threat. And we will protect our tankers anywhere in the world's oceans.
We want our country to live and move forward, don't we? So, we must be able to win by forming a global anti-colonialist, anti-imperialist majority of reliable allies and friends. We must also be able to utilize the rich Soviet legacy in this regard.
Yes, we just have to be strong and outsmart our opponents. Our party is full of intelligent, insightful, and experienced people. If everyone in this room listens to them carefully, Russia will be able to avoid many mistakes. Not just those made, for example, in relation to the WTO...
Our comrades—G.A. Zyuganov, I.I. Melnikov, L.I. Kalashnikov, V.I. Kashin, K.K. Taysayev, N.M. Kharitonov, N.V. Kolomeytsev, and the entire faction—will do everything possible to ensure that the success of the Russian Ministry of Foreign Affairs depends not only on the talent of its employees.
Our diplomats must have a powerful, great and just country behind them.