Alexander Anidalov, First Secretary of the Saratov City Committee of the KPRF: China on the Long March to Socialism. Beautiful writing from a Russian communist's experience in China!

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This year's Chinese New Year celebrations created a sensation around the world. In celebrating the holiday, China demonstrated a remarkable blend of thousands of years of cultural traditions with the latest technological breakthroughs. This provides ample reason to reflect once again on the "Chinese miracle."

It so happened that I've visited China twice in my life. The second trip took place last fall. Its purpose was to participate in the Forum of World Socialism. This annual event is organized by the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (CASS). Representatives of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (CPRF) regularly participate in the Forum, which began fifteen years ago.

The interval between my two visits to China was exactly 10 years. It felt like I'd been in two different Chinas. The differences extend beyond the standard of living, the appearance of cities, digitalization, and much more. The people themselves have changed dramatically, their worldview, their attitude toward their country, themselves, and all of us, their place in the world and history.

But let's start from the beginning. The first thing that struck me, even as I looked out the window on approach to Beijing Airport, was the enormous number of wind turbines and entire fields of solar panels. In Beijing itself, more than half the cars are electric or hybrid. This is clearly visible from the distinctive coloring of their license plates.

In general, the topic of ecology is constantly on Chinese television. It's constantly present in a wide variety of government decisions. And having said this, I can almost hear the irritated, and perhaps even angry, comments from readers about how China, following Europe, has succumbed to the globalist green energy trap. But don't jump to conclusions.

If you carefully examine the policy statements and actual decisions of the Chinese leadership, it's difficult not to see significant differences from the West. There, suicidal environmental hysteria is fueled by a phobia imposed on the population. In China, culture, philosophy, and traditions are based on the unity of man and the natural world. They are not tinged with fear, but are based on a love of nature and harmony with it. This allows the Chinese to approach environmental issues consciously, without hesitation or complacency.

In China, new nuclear and thermal power plants are operating and under construction. Incidentally, the world's first fourth-generation nuclear power plant began operating in China. The development of the energy sector is driving high rates of overall industrial growth. At the same time, a state program for a phased transition to environmentally friendly technologies has been adopted. In the media, its implementation is subtly accompanied by a reliance on the ideals of harmony between man and nature, so characteristic of Chinese tradition.

The conversation about scientific and technological progress prompts me to share an example. While in Beijing, we went into a small shop, essentially a kiosk. Instead of a salesperson, a robot approached us. It accompanied us and very politely explained the products we were taking from the shelves. Then, on its small screen, it offered us a QR code, which we could use to pay for our purchases. The shop also had a button to call a live salesperson. Apparently, it was designed for rural residents and visitors from Russia. We ended up using this button.

Robots of all kinds greeted us everywhere—in museums, libraries, hotels. Some of them were highly specialized. Others allowed us to chat with them in Chinese or English about anything, accessing any information circulating on the internet.

I was incredibly impressed by China's transportation system. Traveling by train from the provincial capital to the regional center, we sped along at nearly 200 kilometers per hour for two and a half hours. And these were regular, non-highway roads. We plunged into dozens of multi-kilometer tunnels. From them, we emerged onto overpasses built hundreds of meters above ground. Then we flew back into the tunnels. And throughout the entire journey, we experienced no jolts or jolts. Even the high-speed acceleration felt quite comfortable.

The same impression is left by highways. This is true regardless of whether the highway is located in the suburbs of the capital or connects regions. Just ten years ago, the movement of cars, bicycles, and mopeds in Chinese cities often resembled Brownian motion, with limited observance of the rules. Now, however, the entire street network is strictly divided into car, pedestrian, and bicycle/moped zones. These three streams are equally well-equipped. They are strictly regulated and do not interfere with each other.

Cities have changed dramatically. On my last visit, Beijing resembled Moscow in the 1990s, with its Khrushchev-era apartment blocks and nine-story Cheryomushki neighborhoods. Now, in their place are Lego cities with endless rows of modern 40- to 80-story residential high-rises. They are densely intertwined with multi-level interchanges and overpasses. Yet, I saw no large street parking anywhere. What surprised me, however, was the sheer number of public spaces.

China is impressive in its scale, the combination of antiquity and absolute modernity. If it's a square, it stretches to the horizon. If it's a pedestrian zone, it's 100 meters wide. If you enter a park, it's the size of Kolomna.

New Beijing was a surprise. It was built 40 kilometers from the "old" Beijing, with a subway line built right there. A theater center was also built there—five different theaters in a single complex with mind-boggling logistics and state-of-the-art auditoriums. Of course, a huge public library with enormous public spaces was erected. Its multi-story underground storage facilities are fully automated and digitalized. The museum center is also equipped with cutting-edge technology. All of this is located in a vast park area, surrounded by residential areas.

The Chinese's penchant for social gatherings is evident everywhere. On weekends and in the evenings, all public spaces and cultural venues are filled. People of all ages dance and sing, putting on amateur concerts and performances. Early in the morning, many residents take to the streets for group exercise.

The state does everything it can to give people more free time. But that's not all. Everyday life is organized to fill it with creative development. In this regard, everything is implemented in the true spirit of Marx. While China has adopted the best of the West in its industrial organization, its creative development is imbued with its own cultural traditions. This is the "Sinicization of Marxism," the meaning of which is so often debated.

At 10:00 PM, even the largest cities in China begin to empty. Shops and restaurants close. Half an hour later, the pedestrian areas are practically empty of people. The eight-lane highways are cleared of cars. China is preparing for a new workday.

What struck me was the uniform standard of living, amenities, and amenities in all the cities we visited. And this was true regardless of status or size. Even the villages we passed through had changed dramatically over the past 10 years. I didn't see any cottage communities of pretentious estates behind high fences and barriers, like in the Moscow region. Instead, many decent townhouses with cars and infrastructure have appeared.

When discussing the secrets of their technological breakthrough, the Chinese aren't afraid to admit they're learning from capitalists. But the process of mastering new things takes place here with due dignity, without any servility. To any attempt to lecture them, they politely, with a touch of benevolent condescension, remind everyone that China is the only civilization that has survived since ancient times.

Chinese culture, like a good teacher, teaches unobtrusively. At the same time, it eagerly learns from its students. Incidentally, this was also mentioned in the context of the forum's topic on Marxism. One of the distinctive features of Chinese socialism, forged in the crucible of trials, is an approach that I understand as follows: "Our civilization is many thousands of years old. We have made mistakes many times, but we have proven that we can correct them without them becoming fatal. We have no need to rush. The Celestial Empire is moving steadily but relentlessly in its chosen direction. And that direction is socialism. Socialism, which is the future of the entire world."

Returning to the forum, I'll say that at first, the terms used by the speakers, like "the sinicization of Marxism" and "the sinicization of socialism," jarred on the ear. Someone impressed by the scale of change in China might have imagined that Beijing, having sensed its strength, would now sinicize the entire world in the style of Trotskyism. However, this notion is false. Moreover, it contradicts the very essence of the development model China proposes.

A crucial point was made at one of our meetings with the renowned scholar Li Shenming, who wrote perhaps one of the most interesting and objective books on the causes of the collapse of the USSR. Our delegation noted the great successes of Chinese socialism, which have breathed new life into the socialist movement worldwide. In this regard, we stated that we have much to learn and adopt for building socialism in Russia.

Our wise interlocutor thanked him for the high praise, and then said with a fatherly smile:

"The Sinicization of Marxism for Russia is Leninism. Lenin is one of the most, if not the most, brilliant Marxist and political figure in world history. In its initial stages, the CPC, inspired by the successes and victories of the USSR, copied the Soviet model as much as possible, but quickly realized the futility of this approach. This isn't because Leninism, the Leninist model of socialism, is flawed. No, it's simply that Lenin developed them for Russia, for its culture, traditions, including its traditional economic structure. They are undoubtedly optimal and relevant for Russia."

But what if Lenin had developed an economic strategy, ideology, or political system for China? He would have thoroughly studied and dialectically considered the peculiarities of this country, its people, and its traditions. And Chinese socialism would have been nothing like Soviet socialism.

And even within Russia itself, depending on the time period, there have been completely different concepts of socialism. Therefore, from the vantage point of my experience, I urge you to adhere as closely as possible to the principles developed by Lenin. They are the most optimal for Russia. Therefore, Leninism is the Sinicization of Marxism for Russia.

We were taken to the birthplace of the CPC and Chinese War Communism (I'll return to this later). The delegation was literally immersed in that era. I had the distinct feeling that, in those wartime and postwar conditions, a different approach to economics and politics would have led to the collapse of the state. But while recognizing this, the Chinese, with Eastern wisdom, do not absolutize that model of socialism. They do not attempt to transplant that Marxism to new realities, stigmatizing the "opportunists" who have become "traitors" to their heroic history and "true" Marxism.

Interestingly, I felt that ordinary Chinese attitudes toward the CPC and Mao Zedong had changed significantly over the past ten years. Back then, it was noticeable that young people and some Chinese were less enthusiastic about visiting memorials and sites associated with communist history. They were significantly less interested in and engaged in studying Marxism. There was less communist symbolism.

During my last trip, Chinese youth were only formally involved in discussions about politics. At times, they expressed their views on the activities of the CPC and its leaders with the rebelliousness typical of many Russian youth. This time, however, discussions about politics and Marxism were conducted respectfully and quite willingly.

During academic discussions, I saw similarities between the tenets of the doctrine of socialism with Chinese characteristics and Lenin's theory on the possibility of building socialism in a single country. Moreover, this idea is further developed to the point that socialism MUST be built in each country in its own way.

At the same time, the shared ideology of Marxism brings countries and peoples closer together. It allows them to unite around the global goal of a just society. This dialectically develops into socialist globalization. Xi Jinping voiced this idea of ​​new global governance as a counterweight to the global governance of imperialism.

In general, ten years later, the Chinese remind me very much of Soviet citizens in the late 1970s. They are full of optimism and confidence. In some ways, they may seem naive, but in reality, they simply have a much better, clearer, more nuanced understanding of what is good and what is evil.

And here comes the time to highlight the key difference. Modern China is by no means a besieged fortress, even if confident in its defensive bastions. The PRC has recognized its strength and its rightness. This strength is not so much military or even economic, but the appeal of its ideas, its way of life, its state, and its society to the peoples of the world.

China has recognized its strength. It has opened the gates and moved out into the world, eager to offer everyone a model for the most progressive development. Beijing is expressing its full readiness to assume its necessary share of responsibility for the universal well-being of humanity.

One of the reasons for the collapse of the USSR and the socialist countries in Eastern Europe, as well as the infamous events in Tiananmen Square in Beijing, was the appeal of the Western lifestyle to young people. Soviet citizens were repeatedly and logically told that the prosperity of Western Europe and the United States was based on the colonial exploitation of the rest of the world. Soviet citizens were shown that the rate of development of the socialist economy was higher than that of capitalism and that, thanks to a number of advantages, their prosperity would soon be equal to that of the West. But practice did not bear this out. Workers' pockets and material interests took their toll more quickly. This led to the demise of the USSR and the violent confrontation at Tiananmen.

Now the situation has changed. Yes, the USSR achieved colossal successes. Yes, the Leninist-Stalinist modernization, with its unrivaled growth rates, elevated the country to the ranks of the world's leading economies. But for the first time in history, it is now, and specifically, China that has become the world's leading economy. By 2030, the average Chinese citizen's standard of living will be no lower than the European average. And China's pace of development continues to impress.

The situation is changing radically. Now Europeans and Americans will envy the standard of living in socialist China. It will be time for them to take to their squares, demanding socialist reforms in their countries.

It's also important to note that the effectiveness of China's modernization is demonstrated by another factor. It is based on the advantages of a socialist economy, not on the exploitation of other countries and peoples, as in the Western model. This makes the Chinese path even more attractive. And, incidentally, not everyone likes this. Global imperialism sees this as a threat, and a clash is seen as inevitable. This was repeatedly stated at various forum events. The PRC declares its readiness for such a clash.

In general, assessing the current state of society in China, I was reminded of the USSR on the eve of the Great Patriotic War. Everyone understands the inevitability of conflict, they are preparing, trying to delay the outbreak. Meanwhile, neighboring non-socialist Russia has been fighting for its interests against Ukraine and the entire NATO bloc for years. China cannot allow NATO to emerge victorious and move closer to China's "underbelly."

This was also the case in the late 1930s. China was fighting Japan, which was part of the Axis military-political bloc, and the socialist USSR was aiding non-socialist China. Thus, by supporting the Axis Military Alliance, the CPRF not only participated in the Russian people's struggle against neo-fascism but also assisted socialist countries in the global confrontation with imperialism. Just as the CPC served as an important link between the USSR and China in the 1930s and 1940s, so too is the CPRF currently doing everything it can to unite the efforts of socialist China and, as yet, non-socialist Russia.

This historical analogy was voiced at the forum by our delegation and was well received by the participants. This analogy, apparently, has been accepted by China. The underlying theme of most of the speeches was that imperialism is rapidly degenerating into fascism, and Russia is the first country to directly encounter this new fascism during the SMO(Special Military Operation). Support for Russia's actions was unequivocal in the speeches. Incidentally, this position was equally clear and unambiguous on Chinese television channels. In my view, all of this reinforced my confidence that the CPRF has adopted the correct position regarding the SMO.

Shaanxi Province, its capital Xi'an, and the city of Yan'an were chosen as the region where the forum's continuation took place. And, as with everything in China, this was no accident. We were given a vivid demonstration of the very essence of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

Judge for yourself. It is in Shaanxi, near Xi'an, that one of the four great capitals and one of the origins of Chinese civilization is located. Here lies a stunning archaeological site from the late 3rd century BC—the Terracotta Army, which we were shown. It was here that the Great Silk Road began. Also here is the small, by Chinese standards, city of Yan'an, with a population of 2.2 million. Yan'an is the source of China's new greatness, the birthplace of the CPC and its Red Army, the headquarters of the first communist government, the birthplace of the new socialist state, and the beginning of the Long March—the Red Army's journey north. It's symbolic that all of this is connected to one province.

Symbolism is everywhere here. The Great Silk Road became a breakthrough into the world, a huge step in the development of Chinese civilization. The CPC army's great breakthrough through the Kuomintang blockade resulted in a new, rejuvenating impetus for the country. It became a new leap toward China's greatness through the adoption of Marxism. The modern ideology of the PRC does not contrast the periods of China's development, but rather unites all paths and breakthroughs into a single great path. This path is also proposed for the entire modern world through the "One Belt, One Road" initiative toward a "Community of Shared Future for Humanity."

The grand performances dedicated to the Silk Road and the Great Breakthrough of the CPC Red Army, selected for the forum's cultural program, deserve a separate mention. No adjectives are sufficient to describe the level of direction, technical equipment, acting, scope, and depth. The sheer scale of the performances captivated us from the very beginning and didn't let up until the very end. We were overwhelmed by a flurry of emotions and experiences.

Describing these performances is a thankless task. They must be seen. But I can't help but describe one moment. In the performance dedicated to the CPC army's march, one of the heroes was the Red Banner, which endured all trials alongside the participants in the story. At the end, when a gray-haired veteran called out the names of his fallen comrades (actors in military uniform had quietly appeared among the audience), suddenly, to the sounds of a majestic anthem, the dark ceiling of the hall began to descend upon the audience. Red lighting came on, revealing it to be a huge red banner with a hammer and sickle. It descended until each of us, along with the heroes of the events, touched the banner with our hands, demonstrating our connection to these events and their heroes.

I caught myself thinking again: no matter how well I felt about China and the CCCP, the differences in traditions and certain clichés associated with the incredible size of this people were taking their toll. My subconscious was turning this people into a vast mass. But the grandiose performances in Xi'an showed us not only a great nation, not only the enormous sacrifices made by its people throughout history, but also the tragic, touching destinies of very different people. Even separated by time, over the course of millennia, they forged a single history. Their lives were intimately intertwined not only with each other, but also with us—the shared destiny of humanity.

Some might say the Chinese have masterfully brainwashed me. Perhaps so, and I'm willing to admit that my opinion is largely subjective. After this trip, China became much closer, more understandable, and more familiar to me. And even now, as I write these lines, I remember the Chinese audience members crying at the performance. They, together with their heroes and us, communists from around the world, sincerely sang the Internationale under the red banner. A lump forms in my throat, and my faith in our ultimate victory grows stronger.

Now, putting aside my emotions, I'll emphasize: yes, I'm by no means a Sinologist, and my position and my views are formed based on the events of just one forum and a brief, though quite pleasant, stay in the PRC. Yes, I too have questions regarding the bourgeois nature of a significant portion of China's economic structure. Yes, the Soviet model of socialism is closer to me and seems more justified from a Marxist perspective, although there were at least five such models in the Soviet Union over its 70 years. But, to paraphrase a well-known image, I'll say:

"Marxism is a river. Its waters vary at different times and in different places. But no matter how historical terrain changes its course, it always flows in the same direction and is capable of overcoming any obstacle."